Libertarian Communist

Welcome

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Banksy

A New World in Our Hearts

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“We are going to inherit the earth. There is not the slightest doubt about that. The bourgeoisie may blast and ruin its own world before it leaves the stage of history. We carry a new world, here, in our hearts. That world is growing this minute.”

Buenaventura Durruti

About us

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The aim of this webzine is to focus on the key aspects of effective working class organisation which ultimately lead towards a libertarian communist society. These include workers’ self-management of the economy, democratic grass-roots control of our communities, and a genuine commitment to internationalism. For such a society to arise out of the future ashes of today’s crisis-ridden system, a fresh approach to theory and practice is required. All of the articles published here are for the purpose of education. The links section features websites that are part of the burgeoning nexus of freedom.

El Espiritu de la Colmena

Editorial

2011-09-01T19:00:00.000+01:00

There is no doubt that capitalism is a reactionary system that enriches a small self-appointed elite while keeping the majority of people poor. At its worst, it is an oligarchic death-system which ruthlessly exploits and abuses the masses, causing war, famine, slavery and misery all over the world.

From our perspective the remedy to this is a new world built on universal brotherhood and sisterhood, the basis of which is a commonly owned and mutually shared planet with all its resources. We call this communism, but labels are not really important.

The big question for those of us who are already converts to the idea of world revolution is how do we achieve it?

Our answer is that we have to be self-disciplined and well organised while maintaining genuine democracy – this is the anarchist way. Over the past few years we have been re-studying the likes of the Russian Revolution, Spanish Revolution and post world war two periods and come to the conclusion that the Bolshevik model is the kiss of death for revolution. Bolshevism - in all its forms: Leninism, Stalinism, Trotskyism, Maoism, etc - only ever succeeds in recuperating capitalism and creating new forms of class society and new forms of exploitation, i.e. State Capitalism. Today, for example, China is living proof of the innate degeneracy of this political approach. We do not in any way blame Karl Marx for this, only Lenin and his political heirs.

In short the only true communism is libertarian communism.

Finally it must be stated that while we do not condemn the use of violence as a potential weapon of the class war, at the same time we do not think the movement should make a fetish of it. Insurrections are certainly part of revolutionary history and they will definitely occur again in the future. However, in the first instance, we should all become involved in constructive, grass-roots projects - building independent and democratic proletarian power in our workplaces, independent and democratic civic power in our communities, etc, seriously attempting to nurture a new society of freedom within the shell of the old. This is the real challenge. Fighting in the streets, clad in black, armed with audacity and Molotov cocktails, may well appear as an exciting and romantic adventure to idealistic youth. But the danger is that in years to come we may all look back in anger on what was little more than a grand, though ultimately futile gesture of defiance.

For Social Revolution and Libertarian Communism!

Freedom Press, London

2011-09-01T18:00:00.000+01:00

Class War

2011-09-01T15:00:00.000+01:00

Class

“Everyone is asked their opinion about every detail in order to prevent them from having one about the totality.” Raoul Vaneigem

We look around us and see a world beyond our control. Our daily struggle to survive takes place against an immense and constantly shifting backdrop - moving from natural disaster to terrorist attack, from new diet to new famine, from celebrity sex scandal to political corruption scandal, from religious war to economic miracle, from tantalizing new advertisement to clichés on television complaining about the government, from suggestions on how to be the ideal lover to suggestions on how to keep sports fans from rioting, from new police shootings to new health problems.

The same processes are at work everywhere - in democratic and in totalitarian governments, in corporations and in small businesses, in cheeseburgers and in tofu, in opera, in folk music and in hip-hop, in every country and in every language, in prisons, in schools, in factories, in hospitals, in office towers, in war zones and in grocery stores.

Something is feeding off our lives and spitting back images of them in our faces. That something is the product of our own activity, our everyday working lives sold hour after hour, week after week, generation after generation. We don’t have property or a business we can make money from, so we are forced to sell our time and energy to someone else. We are the modern day working class - the proletariat.

Work

“Capital is dead labour, that, vampire-like, only lives by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.” Karl Marx

We don’t work because we want to. We work because we have no other way to make money. We sell our time and energy to a boss in order to buy the things we need to survive. We are brought together with other workers and assigned different tasks. We specialize in different aspects of the work and repeat these tasks over and over again. Our time at work is not really part of our lives. It is dead time controlled by our bosses and managers. During our time at work we make things that our bosses can sell. These things are objects like cotton shirts, computers and skyscrapers or qualities like clean floors and healthy patients or services like having a bus take you where you want to go, having a waiter take your order or having someone call you at home to try to get you to buy things you don’t need. The work is not done because of what it produces. We do it to get paid, and the boss pays us for it to make a profit.

At the end of the day the bosses re-invest the money we make them, and enlarge their businesses. Our work is stored up in the things our bosses own and sell - capital. They are always looking for new ways to store up our activity in things, new markets to sell them to, and new people with nothing to sell but their time and energy to work for them. What we get from work is enough money to pay for rent, food, clothes and beer - enough to keep us coming back to work. When we’re not at work, we spend time travelling to or from work, preparing for work, resting up because we’re exhausted from work or getting drunk to forget about work. The only thing worse than work, is not having it. Then we waste our weeks away looking for work, without getting paid for it. If welfare is available, it is a pain-in-the-ass to get and is never as much as working. The constant threat of unemployment is what keeps us going to work everyday. And our work is the basis of this society. The power our bosses get from it expands every time we work. It is the dominant force in every country in the world.

At work we are under the control of our bosses, and of the markets they sell to. But an invisible hand imposes a work-like discipline and pointlessness on the rest of our lives as well. Life seems like a kind of show we watch from the outside, but have no control over. All sorts of other activities tend to become as alienating, boring and stressful as work: housework, schoolwork, leisure. That’s capitalism.

Anti-Work

“Of course, the capitalists are very much satisfied with the capitalist system. Why shouldn't they be? They get rich by it.” Alexander Berkman

Work is experienced very differently depending on which side of it you’re on. For our bosses, work is the way that they get their money to make more money. For us, work is a miserable way to survive. The less they pay us, the less we make. The faster they can get us to work, the harder we have to work. Our interests are opposed, and there is a constant struggle between bosses and workers at work - and in the rest of the society based on work. The more we pay in rent or bus fare, the more we have to work to pay our rent or bus fare. The current state of wages, benefits, hours and working conditions as well as politics, art and technology is a result of the current state of this class struggle. Simply standing up for our own interests in this struggle is the starting point of undermining capitalism.

Community

“Well, it is about time that every rebel wakes up to the fact that ‘the people’ and the working class have nothing in common.” Joe Hill

Civilization is deeply divided. Most of us spend most of our time working and are mostly poor, while the owners, who are mostly rich, manage and profit off our work. All the communities and institutions of society are built up around this basic division. There are racial, cultural and language divisions and communities. There is division and community around sex and age. There is the community of the nation and citizenship, as well as the division between nations and those with and without citizenship. We are divided and united around religion and ideology. We are brought together to buy and sell on the market. Some of these identities have been around for millennia. Some are a direct result of the way we work today. But they are all now organized around capital. They are all used to help our bosses accumulate more of our dead time stored up in things, and to keep the basic division of this society from tearing it apart. Poor people from one country can be made to identify with their bosses from the same country and can be made to fight poor people from other countries. Workers have a harder time organizing a strike with workers who look different and speak a different language, especially if one group thinks it’s better than the other. These divisions and communities are reflected in and reflect the division of labour at work.

While these divisions and exclusive communities are being pushed on us from one side, an all-inclusive human community is sold to us from the other. This community is just as imaginary and false. It denies the basic division of society. Business owners run the government and the media, the schools and prisons, the welfare offices and the police. We have our lives run by them. The newspapers and television put forward their view of the world. Schools teach about the great (or unfortunate) history of their society and produce a spectrum of graduates and dropouts fit for different kinds of work. The government provides services to keep their society running smoothly. And when all else fails, they have the police, the prisons and the army.

This is not our community.

Anti-Community

“Such power as the bourgeoisie still possesses in this period resides in the proletariat’s lack of autonomy and independence of spirit.” Anton Pannekoek

They organize us against each other, but we can organize ourselves against them.The whole point of talking about class and ‘the proles’ is to insist on the very basic way in which people from many different ‘communities’ have essentially similar experiences, and to show that people from the same ‘communities’ should in fact hate each other. This is the starting point to fighting the existing communities. When we begin to fight for our own interests we see that others are doing the same thing. Prejudices fall away, and our anger is directed where it belongs. We are not weak because we are divided. We are divided because we are weak.

The existing communities become irrelevant as they are attacked, and they are attacked by becoming irrelevant. Racism and sexism are unappealing, when working men and women of different races are fighting their class enemies side by side. And that fight becomes more effective by involving people from different ‘communities’. There will be no need for a stand-in for everything that can be bought and sold - money - when there is no need to measure work time stored in those things. This could only happen when we make and do things because there is a need for them and not in order to exchange them. There will be no need for a government to manage society when society is not divided between management and workforce, when people can run their lives themselves. There will be no need for national or racial communities - and there could be a human community - when society is not divided into rich and poor. The way to create these conditions is to fight the existing conditions.

This tendency to create community by fighting against the conditions of our lives - and therefore against work, money, exchange, borders, nations, governments, police, religion, and race - has at times been called communism.

Politics

“The more we are governed, the less we are free.” The Alarm (anarchist newspaper from Chicago in the 1880s)

The government is the model for political activity. Politicians representing different countries, regions or ‘communities’ battle with each other. We are encouraged to support the leaders we disagree with least, and we're never really surprised when they screw us over. All a politician’s working class background or radical ideals are worthless once they begin to govern. No matter who is in government, government has its own logic. The fact that this society is divided into classes with opposing interests means that it is always at risk of tearing itself apart. The government is there to make sure that doesn’t happen. Whether the government is a dictatorship or a democracy, it holds all the guns and will use them against its own population to make sure that we keep going to work.

Not that long ago, an extremely unstable situation in a particular country could be diffused by nationalizing all of a country’s industries, creating a police state, and calling it ‘communism’. This kind of capitalism proved to be less efficient and less flexible than good old-fashioned free market capitalism. With the fall of the Soviet Union, there is no longer a ‘Red’ Army to march in and stabilize countries in this way, and ‘Communist’ parties around the world are becoming simple social democrats.

A working class political party is a contradiction in terms - not because the membership of a particular party can’t be largely working class, but because the most it can do is give the working class a voice in politics. It lets our representatives put forward ideas on how our bosses should run this society and how they can make money and keep us under control. Whether they are advocating nationalization or privatization, more welfare or more police (or both), the programs of political parties are different strategies for managing capitalism.

Unfortunately, politics also exists outside of government. Community leaders, professional activists and unions want to place themselves between workers and bosses and be the mediators, the negotiators, the means of communication, the representatives, and ultimately the peacemakers. They fight to keep this position. In order to do that, they need to mobilize the working class in controlled ways to put pressure on more business-oriented politicians, at the same time offering business a workforce that is ready to work. This means that they have to disperse us when we start to fight back. Sometimes they do this by negotiating concessions, other times by selling us out. Politicians always call on us to vote, to sit back and let the organizer negotiate, to fall in line behind the leaders and the specialists in a kind of passive participation. These non-governmental politicians offer the government a way to maintain the status quo peacefully, and in return they get jobs managing our misery.

Political groups are bureaucratic. They tend to mirror the structures of work where activity is controlled from the outside. They create specialists in politics. They are built on a division between leaders and led, between representatives and represented, between organizers and organized. This is not a bad choice of how to set up organizations, to be remedied with a large dose of participatory democracy. It is a direct result of what political groups and activities are trying to do - to manage a part of capitalism.

The only thing that interests us about politics is its destruction.

Anti-Politics

“Anarchism is not a beautiful utopia, nor an abstract philosophical idea; it is a social movement of the labouring masses.” Dyelo Truda Group

When we start to fight against the conditions of our lives, a completely different kind of activity appears. We do not look for a politician to come change things for us. We do it ourselves, with other working class people.

Whenever this kind of working class resistance breaks out, politicians try to extinguish it in a flood of petitions, lobbying and election campaigns. But when we are fighting for ourselves, our activity looks completely different from theirs. We take property away from landlords and use it for ourselves. We use militant tactics against our bosses and end up fighting with the police. We form groups where everyone takes part in the activity, and there is no division between leaders and followers. We do not fight for our leaders, for our bosses or for our country. We fight for ourselves. This is not the ultimate form of democracy. We are imposing our needs on society without debate - needs that are directly contrary to the interests and wishes of rich people everywhere. There is no way for us to speak on equal terms with this society.

This tendency of working class struggles to go outside and against the government and politics - and to create new forms of organization that do not put our faith in anything other than our own ability - has at times been called anarchism.

War

“Let us devastate the avenues where the wealthy live.” Lucy Parsons

So, we’re in a war - a class war.

There is no set of ideas, proposals or abstract strategies that can bring victory. There is no solution outside of winning the war. So long as they have the initiative, we are separated and passive. Our response to the conditions of our lives is individual: quitting our jobs, moving to neighbourhoods with cheaper rent, joining subcultures and gangs, suicide, buying lottery tickets, drug abuse and alcoholism, going to church. Their world looks like the only possibility. Any hope for change is lived on an imaginary level - separated from our everyday lives. It’s business as usual, with all the crisis and destruction that this implies. When we go on the offensive we begin to recognize each other and to fight collectively. We use the ways that society depends on us to disrupt it. We strike, sabotage, riot, desert, mutiny and take over property. We create accountable grass-roots organizations in order to amplify and co-ordinate our activities. All kinds of new possibilities open up. We grow more daring and more aggressive in pursuing our own class interests. These do not lie in forming a new government, or becoming the new boss. Our interests lie in ending our own way of life - and therefore the society that is based on that way of life.

We are the working class who want to abolish work and class. We are the community of people who want to tear the artificial extant community apart. Our political programme is to destroy politics. In order to do that, we have to push the subversive tendencies that exist today until we have completely remade society everywhere. This has at times been called revolution.

Originally published on Prole.info

Why we are not on the Left

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Capitalism's temporary mask of invincibility has once again fallen. Ten years of relative growth and alleged prosperity has led us to where capitalists always lead us, crisis, unemployment, environmental disaster and war. The illusion of sustainability and the absence of recession in the west until now has been bought by the ruthless exploitation of the working class in China, India and other parts of the ‘developing’ world. The historic question has never gone away, though at the moment becomes clearer by the day. Capitalist barbarism or its overthrow, war or revolution.

The left feels resurgent, and is rallying with a sense of urgency and vigour, calling for unity to combat capitalism's excesses. We are not with them, because we are not part of the ‘left’ wing of capitalism. Capitalism is not our enemy because of its excesses, conflict, exploitation, famine, and destruction. These are its inevitable symptoms, not exceptional, but central to its functioning. Capitalism threatens us all because of its normality. Its reduction of us to individual producers and consumers, smashing our collective instincts, exploiting our work, our created isolation and our dreams. How better to oppress and manipulate us for all its other self serving aims, nationalism, profit and the state.

For all its apparent anger and clarity, whatever the noble intention (real or otherwise), the left will be capitalism's last hope. Its belief that the working class can never reach more than a trade union consciousness, that we need the leader(dictator)ship of the party, that by getting us involved in the charade of democracy it will get to lead or seize power and create the workers state, then watch it ‘wither away’, actively opposes the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism.

Capitalism is not a system of management, it is a social relationship based on the operation of the law of value, the pursuit of profit through exploitation, the accumulation of the labour of others. Its structures: the nation, corporation, wage labour, state and government are its means to this end. Revolution is not a change of management; it is the utter rejection and destruction of that relationship and the dispossessing of those who benefit from it. Anything that allows the state, money, the operation of the law of value to continue is counter revolutionary.

As anarchists, we reject the right and the left of ‘capitalist management’. We believe that revolutionary demands can not be diluted. Reformist demands are dishonest and derail the class struggle. We believe that only the working class is capable of developing a revolutionary consciousness through its autonomous self activity in the course of its class struggle. We are part of this class, not separate from, or outside it. We do not ‘intervene’ externally as leaders; we participate in solidarity as equals. The state is not reformable, nor usable. It is the political instrument of bourgeois class oppression, its abolition is central along with the abolition of money, the market and the wages system.

We are neither on the left nor of it, and calls for unity are calls to save capitalism in another guise. Only social revolution offers humanity the last chance to create a truly human society, neither left nor right, but liberated and free.

Originally published by the Anarchist Federation on AF-North

The Proletarian Condition

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The IWW by David Bailey

2011-09-01T07:00:00.000+01:00

When many people hear of the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) they might think of historical events, such as its founding in 1905, the successful recruiting and militant strike-waves it organized in the US in the first two decades of the twentieth century, or the ruthless repression it experienced from the US Government during and shortly after the first world war. However, the IWW’s model of industrial unionism has also been experiencing a major resurgence in the UK over the past decade, which puts it in an ideal position to respond to the current crisis. In particular, the IWW’s lack of a union leadership to stifle its membership’s militancy means it is able to avoid the kind of situation seen in the recent postal workers’ dispute, where union leaders adopt a less militant line than that of their membership.

Whilst the IWW has for many years been viewed as a nice idea, but of little practical impact, its ability to actively affect workplace struggles has become increasingly apparent in recent years. In the UK, members have begun identifying new ways to agitate for a more militant approach to class struggle. Most members also join the TUC-affiliated trade unions within their workplace. This allows them to adopt a ‘dual-carding’ strategy, where they can both agitate within the mainstream trade unions, and present an alternative, more radical, approach to workplace organizing when they hit the inevitable limits experienced within those unions. Recent examples include the successful campaign to keep the Crichton campus of the University of Glasgow open, and the national campaign to oppose major cutbacks, plant closures, and restructuring in the National Blood Service. This dual-card strategy is becoming increasingly central to the IWW in Britain, with a national conference on the approach held recently. This conference also saw the creation of initial links with the National Shop Stewards Network.

The IWW is also undergoing important structural changes. A recent international ballot approved moves towards the creation of a European administration. This reflects the move away from its US-centred history, and will also ensure that the union remains accountable to its members in the regions in which it organizes. This is in part a result of its growing membership outside of the United States, with the UK membership more than doubling in the past three years, to around 600 members. The IWW’s brand of militant, member-led, unionism is therefore clearly becoming an important and effective response by workers to capitalism’s current crisis.

David Bailey is a member of West Midlands Branch, IWW

Nestor Makhno 1889 - 1934

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In memory of Leah Feldman

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Leah Feldman was one of the ordinary women and men who rarely get into history books but have been the backbone of the anarchist movement.

Born in Warsaw in 1899, as a schoolgirl she became interested in anarchism. She said that her mother used to hide her shoes so that she could not attend meetings, which were then illegal in Poland. Finally she ran away to her sister in London where she earned her living at the sewing machine.

Working in the sweatshops of the East End she became active in the Yiddish-speaking anarchist movement that flourished at that time. When the Russian revolution broke out in 1917 the overwhelming majority of Russian male Jewish anarchists returned home. Many of those women, whose husbands and lovers died at the hands of the Tsarists or the Bolsheviks, remained in England. The Jewish (in the sense of neither racial nor religious but Yiddish-speaking) anarchist movement gradually dwindled and ended with Leah's death on January 7th 1993.

Leah, however, had made her own way to Russia. Upon arrival she saw the reality of Bolshevik rule and was not impressed. As a working woman she could see the effects of their dictatorship in a way that visiting intellectuals could not. Before leaving Moscow she attended Kropotkin's funeral, the last permitted anarchist demonstration until the collapse of Stalinism. (In a great display of self-discipline all of the anarchist political prisoners who were paroled for the funeral returned to jail, in the hope that the Bolsheviks would give parole to others in the future).

Leah travelled south to the Ukraine and joined the anarchist Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army led by Nestor Makhno. The Ukrainian anarchists fought Tsarism, foreign intervention and then the Bolshevik dictatorship. Though she did not actually fight (some women who could ride horseback did) she joined the train that followed the army and prepared clothes and food for the orphans and strays they picked up everywhere.

When they were defeated in 1921 she got out of the country by changing her nationality through a marriage of convenience to a German anarchist. They did not meet again. She made her way to Paris and then back to London. There she acquired British citizenship by another marriage of convenience, this time to a derelict ex-serviceman who was paid £10 for his services. They did not see each other until many years later. Leah received an official communication that he was in a geriatric hospital. She used to visit him with presents of tobacco.

Before World War 2 she travelled to Poland and Palestine, working her way to both places. In Palestine she organised a federation of anarchists. One surprise was meeting her old friend Paula Green who had been pressurised into marriage in Russia and so had chosen an atheist Zionist with whom she was in love. Paula knew he was active in Labour politics but thought it impossible that he would ever be in government just as he thought her ideas impossible.

Green changed his name to Ben Gurion and became the first prime minister of Israel. His wife did not leave him but she never once took part in any public functions with him. She remained a still believing, if passive, anarchist.

When Leah returned to London at the end of 1935 she helped raise money for the German sailors who organised an anti-Nazi resistance group in the 1930s. She also did tremendous work for the Spanish anarchist movement when the civil war broke out.

Leah was a member of a working group of immigrant anarchist women in Holborn ever since 1939. How, with the confusion of tongues - broken English, Yiddish, Polish, French, Catalan, Spanish, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot - they understood each other was a mystery to many. But they managed.

Leah had to give up work when her eyesight went after an operation. She was completely blind in one eye thereafter and increasingly so in the other. She used her free time to help the movement she had given her life to. In the 1960s she smuggled arms into Spain for the fighters who had continued resisting the Franco regime since 1939. The Catalans, who are prone to giving nicknames, christened her "la yaya Makhnowista" (the Makhnovist granny).

Her last years were sad. Not only were all her family and her early friends dead, there was nobody left with whom she could talk in her own language. But she never gave up. She still supported anarchist meetings and always attended the annual London Anarchist Book Fair when her health permitted.

Our movement has been built by working women and men like Leah. It is right that we do not forget their contribution.

Living Marxism

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“Marxism is a revolutionary world-view that must always struggle for new revelations. Marxism must abhor nothing so much as the possibility that it becomes congealed in its current form. It is at its best when butting heads in self-criticism, and in historical thunder and lightning it retains its strength.”

Rosa Luxemburg

May Day by Grethe Christensen

2011-09-01T03:00:00.000+01:00

The 1st of May as International Workers’ Day dates back to the struggle for the 8-hour working day in the USA. In 1886, the American Federation of Labour declared that after May 1st, “8 hours shall constitute a legal day’s labour.” Between that declaration and May Day workers all around the United States went on strike to make their employers agree to a shorter work day.

A general strike started in Chicago on May 1st with 25,000 workers striking. After two days the strikers had doubled in numbers. At this stage scabs had entered the scene, causing fights between them and the striking workers. The police moved in and killed six workers. In protest at this a public meeting was held on Haymarket Square in Chicago on May 4th. Once again the police intervened by attacking the peaceful protest, and this led to a bomb being thrown (by a person who was never identified). Seven policemen and four workers were killed.

After this the ruling class used the bomb as an excuse to arrest those believed to be the eight most active anarchist trade unionists in the city and accused them of being responsible for the bomb and the riot.

Most of the arrested anarchists had not even been present, which was acknowledged by the prosecutor and there was no evidence that any of them threw the bomb. Despite this the court was determined to find the anarchists guilty and in the end it came up with the argument that the arrested anarchists had “indirectly” killed the cops on Haymarket Square by agitating for a labour uprising at meetings and through newspaper articles This was enough to rule them guilty.

The outcome of the trial was seven death sentences and one of 15 years in prison. Due to an international campaign, two of the anarchists had their sentences commuted from death by hanging to life in prison, but four were hanged and one committed suicide. These five are today known as the Chicago Martyrs.

On the initiative of the American Federation of Labour, the worldwide trade union and socialist movement declared May 1st as International Workers’ Day in honour of the Chicago dead and the struggle for the eight hour day. The first time the day was marked in the USA was in 1890.

The eight hour day began to be achieved in the USA after often bitter struggles. In 1938 it became part of the government’s New Deal and was made a legal days work. There are several things to be said about the history of International Workers’ Day. One is that the trial shows how capitalism is prepared to disobey its own rules of justice when it comes to protecting the interests of the rich and powerful.

Another is that nothing comes from nothing. Workers of the world would have no rights, if they hadn’t been fought for. In Ireland the eight hour workday is upheld by the unions and not the law. Employers can, legally, force you to work up to thirteen hours a day or 48 hours a week. Attacks on our standard of living are part and parcel of life under capitalism.

So long as other people profit from our labour, they will try to make us work harder and longer for less money. Until the day we end the rule of the bosses, we have to stay organised to keep the rights we have gained and win more.

Spain in 1936

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Anti-Copyright

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Disclaimer

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Nothing on this webzine is intended to endorse illegal actions and is for educational and inspirational purposes only.